Showing posts with label cognitive psychology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label cognitive psychology. Show all posts

Monday, January 05, 2026

Cognitive Sovereignty: Developing Strategic Frameworks to Combat Anti-Native Bias Through Tversky and Kahneman's Cognitive Psychology

 This inquiry represents a crucial intersection of cognitive psychology, social justice, and media literacy that has profound implications for how Native Americans can develop intellectual tools to recognize, analyze, and counter systemic bias embedded within contemporary discourse and media representation. By applying the foundational work of Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman on cognitive bias and heuristic processing, we can construct what might be termed "cognitive sovereignty"—the ability to think independently about Native issues despite pervasive bias in information systems.

Arbuckle Mountains, Oklahoma - Chickasaw Nation

The Theoretical Foundation: Tversky & Kahneman's Insights on Cognitive Bias

The Nobel Prize-winning research of Tversky and Kahneman fundamentally transformed our understanding of human decision-making by demonstrating that people systematically deviate from rational choice models when processing information under uncertainty (Kahneman & Tversky, 1974; Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). Their seminal work identified three primary heuristics—mental shortcuts—that humans employ when making judgments: representativeness, availability, and anchoring and adjustment (Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). While these heuristics are generally effective and economical cognitive tools, they can lead to systematic and predictable errors in judgment that have particular relevance for understanding how stereotypes and bias operate in media representations of Native Americans.

The representativeness heuristic operates when people judge the probability that an object or event belongs to a particular class based on how similar it appears to typical members of that class (Kahneman & Tversky, 1972). This heuristic becomes problematic when applied to Native American representation because it relies on categorical thinking that often ignores base rates and statistical realities. When media consumers encounter Native Americans in news or entertainment, they unconsciously compare these individuals to their mental prototype of what a "typical" Native American looks like, sounds like, or behaves like—prototypes that are overwhelmingly based on historical stereotypes rather than contemporary reality.

The availability heuristic influences judgment by making people assess the frequency or probability of events based on how easily relevant instances come to mind (Tversky & Kahneman, 1973). For Native American representation, this cognitive bias is particularly damaging because contemporary Native people are nearly invisible in mainstream media. As research demonstrates, contemporary Native Americans are almost completely absent from mainstream news media and pop culture, and where narratives about Native Americans do exist, they are primarily deficit-based and guided by misperceptions, assumptions and stereotypes (Echo Hawk, as cited in research findings). This systematic omission creates what Fryberg and colleagues term "Native omission"—the systematic exclusion of Native peoples' existence, experiences, and perspectives across numerous societal domains (Fryberg et al., 2024).


The anchoring and adjustment bias occurs when people make estimates by starting from an initial value and adjusting from there, but typically make insufficient adjustments away from the anchor (Tversky & Kahneman, 1974). In the context of Native American perception, historical stereotypes often serve as cognitive anchors that prove remarkably resistant to updating despite contradictory evidence. For instance, the "noble savage" and "ignoble savage" dialectical stereotypes have persisted for centuries, with contemporary representations often anchored to these historical frames rather than reflecting current Native American realities (Lacroix, 2011).


The Psychological Impact of Stereotypical Representations

The consequences of these cognitive biases extend far beyond mere misperception. Research by Fryberg and colleagues demonstrates that negative stereotypes of Native Americans and sports mascots significantly undermine Native Americans' psychological well-being, depressing self-esteem, decreasing perceptions of community worth, and making Native youth less likely to envision successful futures such as earning good grades, finding employment, or completing degrees (Fryberg et al., 2018). These representations create self-fulfilling prophecies that render Native American accomplishments invisible and hinder Native people from imagining and pursuing successful futures.


The internalization of stereotypes represents what psychologists call "stereotype threat"—the risk of confirming negative stereotypes about one's group, which can impair performance and psychological well-being (Steele & Aronson, 1995). Clinical psychologists report that constant encounters with false images result in Native children internalizing stereotypes that interfere with developing positive self-images and racial identities (Jim Crow Museum, n.d.). This psychological burden is compounded by the fact that biased representations have paradoxically positive impacts on White individuals, potentially exacerbating intergroup tensions and disparate outcomes (Eason et al., 2018).


Three Comprehensive Case Studies of Anti-Native Bias


Case Study 1: Dakota Access Pipeline Coverage - The "Environmental Extremist" and "Economic Threat" Frames


The media coverage of the Dakota Access Pipeline protests provides a compelling example of how cognitive biases shape news narratives in ways that systematically disadvantage Native American perspectives and rights. The representativeness heuristic operated powerfully in this coverage, as journalists and audiences compared the Standing Rock protesters to their existing mental prototypes of "environmental activists" and "protesters," often drawing from frameworks developed around predominantly white environmental movements rather than understanding the unique legal, cultural, and spiritual dimensions of Native resistance.


The Bias Mechanisms in Operation: The availability heuristic functioned particularly insidiously in DAPL coverage because the most easily accessible examples of pipeline protests in public memory involved non-Native environmental groups. This cognitive shortcut led to framing that emphasized environmental concerns while systematically omitting or minimizing treaty rights, tribal sovereignty, and the legal obligations that the United States government holds toward tribal nations. Media representations subjected the Indigenous-led movement to what researchers term "settler assumptions about Indigenous resistance," with articles across various political bias categories displaying consistent patterns of misrepresentation (Settler Colonial Studies, 2021).

The criminalization frame emerged as protestors were consistently described as denying "private property rights and freedoms to the landowners" and denying "American citizens and businesses the energy they need to produce jobs and build a vital and healthy economy" (Energy Transfer Partners, as cited in Smithsonian materials). This framing reveals the anchoring bias at work, where the initial anchor of "property rights" and "economic development" prevented adequate adjustment toward understanding tribal treaty rights and the trust relationship between the federal government and tribal nations.


The Structural Racism in Route Selection: Perhaps the most revealing aspect of bias in DAPL coverage was how few mainstream outlets emphasized the pipeline's route selection process. The original routing was designed to cross the Missouri River near Bismarck, North Dakota's state capital, but was rejected due to concerns that an oil spill at that location would contaminate the city's drinking water supply (The New Yorker, as cited in educational materials). The decision to reroute the pipeline through the Standing Rock Sioux reservation's water supply reveals the differential value placed on Native versus non-Native communities' welfare, yet this comparison was rarely highlighted in mainstream coverage.


Violence Minimization and False Equivalence: The media's treatment of violence during the protests demonstrates how availability bias can distort coverage. Despite extensive documentation that protesters included youth and elderly tribal members engaged in prayer and ceremony, and that they faced "Mace, tasers, and rubber bullets" from law enforcement and private security (Tribal documentation), many outlets presented the conflict as "clashes" between equally responsible parties. This false equivalence reflects the anchoring bias, where the initial frame of "law and order" versus "civil disobedience" prevented adequate adjustment toward understanding the asymmetrical power dynamics and the specific legal status of actions on treaty-protected lands.


Case Study 2: Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women - The "Disposability" and "Victim-Blaming" Frames


The stark disparity in media coverage of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW) compared to missing white women cases demonstrates how multiple cognitive biases operate simultaneously to create systematic undervaluation of Native lives. Research by Gilchrist revealed that six times more stories appeared about missing white women compared to Indigenous women, with white women's stories usually accompanied by large photographs and frequently placed on front pages, while stories about missing Indigenous women rarely included pictures and were often relegated to "soft news" sections (MediaSmarts, n.d.).


The Representativeness Heuristic in Action: The representativeness bias manifests in how audiences and journalists unconsciously categorize missing persons based on how closely they match mental prototypes of "worthy victims." White women who disappear, particularly those who fit conventional standards of femininity and social respectability, align closely with cultural prototypes of innocence and vulnerability that demand protection. Native women, by contrast, are often pre-categorized through historical stereotypes that portray them as somehow "closer to danger" or more likely to engage in "risky behavior."


The Systemic Nature of Coverage Bias: Jiwani's comprehensive analysis of seven years of Globe and Mail coverage found that Indigenous women were systematically portrayed as "abject victims of poverty" and "inept drug addicted mothers who did not seem to be capable of maternal feeling," with articles consistently failing to address larger structural or historic issues such as racism, residential school trauma, or conditions in home communities (MediaSmarts, n.d.). This framing makes Indigenous women appear culpable in their own victimization by supposedly "choosing" lifestyles that put them at risk, while simultaneously erasing the systemic factors that create vulnerability.


Statistical Manipulation and Data Distortion: The availability heuristic operates through selective statistical presentation, where only 30% of Indigenous homicide victims and 18% of Indigenous female victims received newspaper coverage, compared to 51% of European homicide victims (Wyoming research data). Moreover, research reveals that one-third of media outlets covering MMIW cases used "violent language" that reflected "racism or misogyny or racial stereotyping" in their portrayals of victims (Wikipedia compilation of research). These coverage patterns create a distorted public understanding where the epidemic of violence against Native women becomes invisible while individual cases are stripped of systemic context.


The Compounding Effect of Jurisdictional Complexity: Media coverage rarely addresses the complex jurisdictional issues that contribute to inadequate investigation and prosecution of crimes against Native women. The Major Crimes Act, Public Law 280, and various other federal policies create a labyrinth of jurisdictional confusion that often leaves crimes unprosecuted, but this systemic barrier is seldom explained in coverage. Instead, the anchoring bias leads coverage to focus on individual circumstances rather than adjusting toward understanding how colonial legal structures continue to render Native women vulnerable to violence.


Case Study 3: Native American Gaming - The "Casino Indian" Stereotype and False Privilege Narratives


The emergence of Native American gaming has spawned an entirely new category of bias that researchers term the "Casino Indian" stereotype, which represents a contemporary evolution of historical "ignoble savage" tropes. This stereotype suggests that Native Americans have transformed from threatening through physical violence to threatening through economic success, creating what Lacroix terms a new form of the ignoble savage who poses an economic rather than physical threat (Lacroix, 2011).


The False Privilege Narrative: The representativeness heuristic operates powerfully in gaming coverage by encouraging audiences to categorize Native gaming rights as "special privileges" rather than exercises of inherent sovereignty. Many people misconceive casinos as "special concessions" or "reparations" from the government, with survey respondents expressing resentment that Native Americans supposedly receive "free money" and "monthly stipends if they are at least 1/16th Native" (survey data from research). This fundamental misunderstanding reflects anchoring bias, where the initial concept of government "handouts" prevents adequate adjustment toward understanding tribal sovereignty and the government-to-government relationship between tribal nations and the United States.


The Contradictory Stereotyping Problem: Research reveals that respondents hold seemingly contradictory stereotypes, simultaneously viewing Native Americans as "both poor and flush with casino money, both spiritually focused and addicted to drugs and alcohol, and both resilient and dependent on government benefits" (Reclaiming Native Truth survey). These contradictions illustrate how the availability heuristic operates: different stereotypes become accessible depending on the context, allowing people to maintain prejudicial views regardless of evidence.


Economic Threat Perception and Sovereignty Undermining: Studies demonstrate that greater endorsement of the "casino Indian" stereotype correlates with more negative attitudes toward Native nation sovereignty, with White participants living in states with Native gaming more likely to endorse the stereotype and perceive greater conflicts of interest with Native Americans (Cambridge research, 2020). This finding reveals how economic success by Native communities triggers threat perception among non-Native populations, leading to increased opposition to basic sovereignty rights.


Media Reinforcement of Economic Stereotypes: Coverage often employs what researchers identify as "violent language" in economic contexts, suggesting that tribal gaming somehow "exploits" or "takes advantage of" legal loopholes rather than representing legitimate exercises of governmental authority. The anchoring bias manifests when coverage begins from assumptions about "fair play" and "level playing fields" without adjusting for the historical context of land theft, cultural genocide, and ongoing treaty obligations that justify tribal gaming rights.


Case Study 4: Land Acknowledgment Controversies - The "Performative Gesture" and "Historical Revisionism" Frames


The recent debates surrounding land acknowledgments provide a fascinating case study in how cognitive biases operate when dominant culture attempts to engage with Native issues in supposedly positive ways. Media coverage of the American Anthropological Association's decision to pause land acknowledgments reveals how even well-intentioned efforts can become sites of bias and misunderstanding.


The False Balance Problem: Coverage of land acknowledgment controversies often employs what appears to be objective "both sides" reporting but actually demonstrates the anchoring bias, where the initial framing assumes that Indigenous critiques of poorly executed acknowledgments are equivalent to non-Native criticisms of acknowledgments as "politically correct" gestures. This false equivalence prevents adequate adjustment toward understanding the substantive Indigenous concerns about sovereignty undermining and cultural appropriation that motivated the AAA pause.


The "Political Correctness" Frame: Conservative media coverage frequently anchors land acknowledgments to broader narratives about "woke" politics and "radical" interpretations of American history, exemplified by Professor Stuart Reges' claim that acknowledgments represent "the Howard Zinn view of history—that the United States is evil, and we stole the land" (VOA coverage). This anchoring prevents adjustment toward understanding that land acknowledgments, when done properly, simply state historical and legal facts about treaty relationships and ongoing tribal sovereignty.


The Misrepresentation of Indigenous Critiques: The representativeness heuristic operates when media coverage categorizes Indigenous critiques of land acknowledgments alongside conservative opposition, creating false equivalencies that obscure the substantive differences between these positions. Indigenous critiques focus on sovereignty recognition and authentic relationship-building, while conservative critiques often reject the basic premises of Indigenous land rights entirely.


Strategic Framework for Critical Reading & Bias Detection


The "Cognitive Sovereignty" Approach: Comprehensive Analytical Framework

The development of cognitive sovereignty requires systematic training in recognizing how the three primary heuristics identified by Tversky and Kahneman operate in media representations of Native issues. This framework goes beyond simple media literacy to develop sophisticated analytical tools grounded in cognitive psychology and decolonial theory.


1. The Comprehensive Omission Audit: Recognizing Systematic Exclusion

The omission audit addresses what Fryberg and colleagues identify as "Native omission"—the systematic exclusion of Native peoples' existence, experiences, and perspectives across numerous societal domains. This exclusion operates through both "absolute omission" (complete absence of Native representation) and "relative omission" (overrepresentation of stereotypical content compared to authentic contemporary representation). The availability heuristic makes omitted information essentially nonexistent in public consciousness, because people can only draw upon what they can easily recall when making judgments about Native issues.


For every story about Native issues, critical readers must systematically ask: What contemporary Native voices are included as primary sources rather than secondary subjects? What historical context about treaty relationships, sovereignty, and government-to-government status is provided? How are Native people's own solutions, innovations, and leadership highlighted versus how are they portrayed as passive recipients of outside assistance? What aspects of Native contemporary life—education, business, technology, arts, governance—are represented versus what stereotypical elements are emphasized? The omission audit also requires examining what comparative context is provided: Are Native issues discussed in isolation or are they connected to broader systems of power, policy, and historical relationship?


2. Advanced Framing Analysis: Deconstructing Narrative Architecture

Framing analysis moves beyond identifying individual biases to understanding how entire narrative structures position Native issues within broader ideological frameworks. The representativeness heuristic operates at the level of story structure, where audiences unconsciously compare new information to familiar narrative templates. Critical readers must identify whether coverage employs what can be termed "colonial frames" that systematically disadvantage Native perspectives.


The Deficit Frame presents Native communities exclusively through problems, pathologies, and failures while omitting strengths, innovations, and solutions originating within Native communities. The Threat Frame positions Native rights, sovereignty, or success as threatening to non-Native interests, often through false zero-sum framings that suggest Native gains necessarily mean non-Native losses. The Paternalistic Frame positions non-Native institutions, individuals, or governments as saviors or problem-solvers while portraying Native people as passive beneficiaries rather than active agents. The Anachronism Frame treats Native people as historical rather than contemporary, using past-tense language or focusing exclusively on historical cultural elements while ignoring present-day diversity and innovation.

Advanced framing analysis also requires attention to what researchers call "intersectional invisibility"—the way that Native people who don't fit narrow stereotypical categories become completely invisible in coverage. Native professionals, urban Native communities, Native LGBTQ+ individuals, and Native people engaged in technology, business, or other contemporary fields often disappear entirely from representation.


3. Sophisticated Source Verification: Understanding Authority and Authenticity

Source verification in Native contexts requires understanding the complex relationship between cultural identity, political citizenship, and representational authority. The representativeness heuristic leads media outlets and audiences to accept individuals who "look Native" or claim Native ancestry as legitimate spokespeople, without understanding that Native American identity is fundamentally political rather than racial.

Critical readers must verify: Is this person actually enrolled in a federally recognized tribe, and if so, do they have legitimate standing to represent that specific tribal community? Are they speaking as individuals about their personal experiences or claiming to represent broader Native perspectives? What is their actual expertise or authority on the specific issues being discussed? Are they affiliated with legitimate tribal governments, Native-led organizations, or established Native advocacy groups? When non-Native experts are consulted, what is their track record of supporting Native sovereignty and self-determination versus extractive research or paternalistic advocacy?


The verification process must also address what researchers term the "pretendian" phenomenon, where individuals with no legitimate tribal citizenship claim Native identity for personal, professional, or political advantage. Studies suggest that pretendians outnumber legitimate Native people by ratios of at least 4 to 1 in many contexts, creating massive distortions in public understanding when they are given platforms as Native voices.


4. The Comprehensive Context Test: Systematic Analysis of Power and History

Context analysis requires examining how coverage addresses or ignores the complex legal, political, and historical systems that shape contemporary Native issues. The anchoring and adjustment bias operates when coverage begins from contemporary situations without adequate historical context, preventing proper understanding of how current issues connect to ongoing colonial relationships.


Critical readers must examine: Are treaty relationships and their ongoing legal significance explained, or are Native rights discussed as though they emerged from contemporary political negotiations? Is the government-to-government relationship between tribal nations and the United States acknowledged, or are tribal governments treated as equivalent to other minority groups? Are the ongoing effects of historical trauma—including boarding schools, termination policies, relocation programs, and child removal—connected to contemporary issues, or are current problems discussed as though they emerged in a historical vacuum? How are structural and systemic issues versus individual choices balanced in explanatory frameworks?

The context test also requires analyzing how coverage positions Native issues within broader systems of power and privilege. Are Native concerns connected to broader discussions of environmental justice, economic inequality, or human rights? Is there recognition of how Native issues intersect with other social justice movements? Are the benefits that non-Native populations derive from the current status quo acknowledged or ignored?


Building Comprehensive Counter-Narratives

The ultimate goal of cognitive sovereignty extends beyond critique to the construction of alternative narratives that restore complexity, humanity, and agency to Native representation. This requires systematic efforts to counteract the cognitive biases that maintain stereotypical thinking while building new mental models based on contemporary Native realities and Indigenous knowledge systems.


Centering Native Voices: Prioritizing Indigenous Intellectual Authority

Centering Native voices requires more than simply including Native people in existing narrative frameworks; it demands fundamentally restructuring how stories are conceived, researched, and told. This approach prioritizes Native-led media organizations, Native scholars and intellectuals, and Native community members as primary authorities on their own experiences rather than as secondary sources to be interpreted by non-Native experts. It means recognizing that Native communities possess sophisticated analytical frameworks for understanding their own experiences and should not be treated merely as subjects of outside study or sources of exotic content for mainstream consumption. The goal is to shift from extractive journalism that takes stories from Native communities to collaborative journalism that serves Native communities' own goals for representation and advocacy.


Historical Grounding: Connecting Contemporary Issues to Systemic Patterns

Historical grounding involves understanding how current stereotypes and biases connect to centuries of propaganda and policy designed to justify dispossession and cultural destruction. This requires recognizing that many contemporary "problems" in Native communities are direct results of specific government policies rather than cultural deficiencies or individual failings. For instance, discussions of Native American health disparities must be grounded in understanding how the Indian Health Service was systematically underfunded as part of broader termination policies, while conversations about educational achievement must acknowledge the intergenerational effects of boarding school trauma and the ongoing underfunding of tribal schools. Historical grounding also means understanding how positive stereotypes like the "noble savage" serve colonial purposes by positioning Native people as inspirational figures from the past rather than complex contemporary political actors.


Contemporary Focus: Emphasizing Present-Day Innovation and Leadership

Contemporary focus requires systematic emphasis on present-day Native innovation, leadership, economic development, cultural revitalization, and community-defined success while avoiding the temporal trap that positions Native cultures as either disappearing or frozen in time. This means highlighting Native people working in technology, business, sciences, arts, education, and government while recognizing that cultural continuity and innovation are not contradictory but complementary processes. It involves showcasing how Native communities are developing solutions to complex challenges like climate change, economic development, language revitalization, and health disparities using approaches that combine traditional knowledge with contemporary tools and methods. Contemporary focus also requires recognizing the tremendous diversity within and between Native communities, avoiding pan-Indian generalizations that obscure the specific experiences of different tribal nations, urban Native communities, and individuals with complex identity experiences.

Structural Analysis: Connecting Individual Stories to Systemic Solutions

Structural analysis requires connecting individual stories to broader systems of power, policy, and relationship while avoiding both deficit-focused narratives and superficial celebration of individual achievement without systemic context. This approach examines how current policies, legal frameworks, and institutional practices either support or undermine Native sovereignty and self-determination. It means analyzing how federal budget priorities, legal precedents, educational curriculum, corporate practices, and media representations collectively create the conditions within which Native communities operate. Structural analysis also requires examining solutions at multiple levels: what policy changes would address systemic barriers, what institutional reforms would improve outcomes, how can non-Native allies support Native-led initiatives, and what can individuals do to interrupt cycles of bias and stereotyping in their own communities and professional contexts.

This comprehensive framework transforms passive media consumption into active cognitive resistance, using Tversky and Kahneman's insights about human bias to develop sophisticated analytical tools for recognizing and countering anti-Native bias while constructing more accurate and empowering narratives about contemporary Native experiences and futures.


References

Eason, A. E., Brady, L. M., & Fryberg, S. A. (2018). Reclaiming representations & interrupting the cycle of bias against Native Americans. Daedalus, 147(2), 70-81.

Fryberg, S. A., Dai, J. D., & Eason, A. E. (2024). Omission as a modern form of bias against Native Peoples: Implications for policies and practices. Social Issues and Policy Review, 18(1), 148-176.

Jim Crow Museum. (n.d.). Stereotyping Native Americans. Ferris State University. https://jimcrowmuseum.ferris.edu/native/homepage.htm

Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1972). Subjective probability: A judgment of representativeness. Cognitive Psychology, 3(3), 430-454.

Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1974). Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Science, 185(4157), 1124-1131.

Lacroix, C. C. (2011). High stakes stereotypes: The emergence of the "casino Indian" trope in television depictions of contemporary Native Americans. Howard Journal of Communications, 22(1), 1-23.

MediaSmarts. (n.d.). Media portrayals of missing and murdered Indigenous women. https://mediasmarts.ca/digital-media-literacy/media-issues/diversity-media/indigenous-people/media-portrayals-missing-murdered-indigenous-women

Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69(5), 797-811.

Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1971). Belief in the law of small numbers. Psychological Bulletin, 76(2), 105-110.

Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1973). Availability: A heuristic for judging frequency and probability. Cognitive Psychology, 5(2), 207-232.

Tversky, A., & Kahneman, D. (1974). Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Science, 185(4157), 1124-1131.

 


Monday, March 18, 2019

Creativity and Psychological Well-Being: A Detailed Look

I came across a very interesting article that provides details about the ways in which getting involved in creative activities will help your psychological well-being. It also discusses the development of creativity and how to make yourself more resilient, particularly when going through difficult times.

Link to the podcast: https://screencast-o-matic.com/watch/cqeebp0qLx


Friedman, M. B. (2014). Creativity and Psychological Well-Being. Contemporary Readings in Law and; Social Justice6(2), 39–58.

Purpose of the article:  
Look at how creativity contributes to mental health and where it can be most effective.  

Useful findings:  
Instead of holding to the stereotypical connection between madness and creativity, this article points out that creativity actually helps maintain mental health. 

Applicability of the article: 

  • Creativity involves cultivating a skill, which increases engagement and leads to a sense of accomplishment.  It satisfies needs for accomplishment, recognition, and affiliation. 
  • Artistic activities affirm and validate one’s unique identity and sense of self (and self-worth).
  • There are four dimensions of the experience of art that can help one’s mental health
  • Cultivating skill:  builds self-efficacy and confidence
  • Immersion in activity:  generates the joy and happiness; the process is almost meditative; if done with others, it meets the need for affiliation
  • Accomplishment: satisfies the need for recognition, builds sense of identity and self-efficacy
  • Connection and celebration: Makes validating and emotions-sharing connections with other people
  • Useful strategies for healing for those with anxiety, depression, and more.

Monday, January 16, 2012

Interview with Elaine Bontempi, Ph.D., Instructional Designer; Innovators in E-Learning Series

As elearning and mlearning move into new forms of delivery, and the appearance, capabilities, and the functionality of the interfaces (including learning management systems (LMSs) evolve, it's useful to take a look at how instructional designers, technologists, and administrators are considering the impact of the interface when developing and teaching online courses. Welcome to an interview with instructional psychologist and designer Elaine Bontempi, Ph.D., who has applied her research in motivation, cognition, and non-traditional students to developing highly effective learning strategies for distributed forms of education including accredited online colleges. Developing elearning and mlearning courses for distance and hybrid delivery, Elaine has explored both issues vital to effective interface and instructional strategy development.

What subject matter do you prefer to work with?
Psychology, Human Motivation, Sociology & Women’s Issues

Who are the intended learners? What level are they?
I have developed online and hybrid courses for a variety of institutions including several universities and museums as well as government institutions. The majority of courses I have developed are predominately targeting undergraduate and graduate students at universities.

How do you use graphics when you design a course?
When I am selecting graphics I always choose graphics that promote learning. In other words, the graphics must correspond to the subject I am teaching, and they are used as introductions, discussion material, or to make a statement. When selecting graphics I always select those that are high quality—sometimes black and white and at other times color, but it depends upon the topic. For example, when promoting learning in natural sciences, color images are preferred because they can help students learn properties of minerals, etc. When using color images, I always try to use images with natural colors rather than colors that are not natural, because natural colors are recognized by the brain as being normal and therefore, are more easily remembered (Richman, 2006). For example, when discussing induction motivation in the military I incorporate images of recruiting posters used throughout the years. These are great for helping students to identify different types of induction motivation that are being promoted. However, black and white images can sometimes capture the moods of people better, so if dealing with the social sciences, sometimes I will select black and white images.

What learning objectives do your graphics serve in an online course?
The graphics I select are used to promote learning. I also use graphics to help students organize information. Tables, charts, and graphs help separate and organize information, and can be a form of concept mapping, tying in concepts.



What kind of graphical content do you use? Banners? Color-coding? Specific images? Special arrangementthat displays information in a certain way on the screen?
When incorporating images into the lectures (ppt slides) or in the website, I select images that again, tie into the topic being taught. I am careful to select images that correspond well with one another…that flow well. Otherwise, images that are not the same size, quality, etc. become distracting to viewers. I never allow images to run off the size of the page and when including an image that has direction (ex: a person’s eyes looking one way or another, their bodies positioned in one way or another, a car or animal moving in one direction or the other, etc) I never allow the image to pull the viewer’s focal point off of the screen. In other words, images with movement point into the text rather than off of the page. Since the majority of students I teach read English or other languages that read from left to right, the text and the images flow from left to right or top to bottom, rather than right to left (as would be preferred in Hebrew or another language that reads from right to left). The colors I select are also important. They are not distracting, complement each other well, and are easily read and viewed. No distracting neon colors, etc that would distract a learner from the content are used.

Numerous studies have identified links among culture, user preferences, and web site usability. There was a very interesting study conducted by Dong and Lee (2008) on the role of culture on cognitive processing and webpage design. People from collectivist cultures tend to be more holistic (or global) learners—looking at the whole picture rather than individual components. However, those from individualistic cultures (with the exception of those from collectivist subcultures such as Native American, Hawaiian Natives, and Alaska Natives) tend to be analytical or sequential learners, wanting to learn things in sequence rather than seeing the “big picture” first. These cognitive differences also influence the way we actually process visual information.

The eye movement of people from various cultures has been studied and results have shown that those from collectivist cultures (holistic learners) tend to have more eye movement over the entire image and have better recall of elements of information from all over the webpage. However, individuals from individualistic cultures who are more analytical learners, have more eye movement in the center of the webpage or image, and have less recall of information that was positioned on the outskirts or edges of the image or webpage. Similarly, Nesbitt and Masuda (2001) conducted a study that examined eye movement of American and Japanese students when shown a picture of an underwater scene “that included focal objects-three big fish-and background objects like rocks, seaweed and water bubbles” (Winerman, 2006, p. 64).

When researchers asked participants to describe the scenes, American participants were more likely to describe the fish in the center, whereas Japanese participants were tended to describe the entire scene. The Japanese participants were also able to describe more details about objects in the background and surrounding rather than simply those images in the center. In other words, whereas the American participants focused more on the objects in the center, the Japanese participants paid more attention to the context.

This is important information to consider if you are developing and presenting information to students or individuals from various cultures. For example, if you were developing an online course for students you knew were from collectivist cultures you may want to position your images differently than you would for learners from the United States or Western European cultures. Faeiola and Matei (2005) found that American and Chinese users exposed to websites created by both Chinese and American designers indicate that users perform information-seeking tasks faster when using web content created by designers from their own cultures.

Please describe your philosophy of using graphics in online courses.
My philosophy regarding the selection and inclusion of graphics in an online course is that graphics and images should are a great way of gaining the attention of learners and promoting learning. Text heavy websites that omit or only scarcely include images are often boring and lose the attention of learners. When selecting images to include in an online course or training program, the images should be high quality and in most cases, the use of color images is preferred (unless the subject is more artistic or perhaps historical, at which black and white images might be preferred). The images should be properly placed on the website so that the readers’ focal point is not drawn away from the webpage. Ideally, images should be small (thumbnail) and readers should be able to click on the image to blow it up if it is a part of the actual content. If the image is an introduction to the topic it may be larger to gain the interest of readers.



Can a good graphic go bad? Why, when, and how might that happen?
Absolutely. When a good image is used in an inappropriate manner, the graphic or image has lost its ability to teach and motivate. If an image does not correspond with the material it becomes a distractor, or if an image is placed incorrectly in the webpage it becomes distracting.

How do graphics "mediate" the e-learning space? In this case, "mediate," describes the way that graphics influence and even alter the way that learning takes place -- between learners, instructors, and the content itself.
As I mentioned earlier, graphics and images have the ability to gain and maintain a student’s attention, drawing them into the subject. A good image or graphic also helps explain the subject, or provides an example and sometimes tells a story by itself. We are visual creatures, and learn not only by reading, but by seeing, observing, and watching. When we learn we take mental pictures of what is happening at the time, so images and graphics can be used to promote learning and organize information. Some people are more visual than others, and the use of graphics, tables and charts can serve as forms of concept maps, linking concepts and information together in a visual way that is easier to recall. For example, in an online counseling course that teaches assessment and evaluation, students might be taught to develop genograms of clients. These genograms may help them to see things that they may not have otherwise noticed…family patterns of health issues, behavioral patterns, etc. in a visual “snapshot.”

Do you believe that the graphics that are used somehow influence how individual learners perceive the instructor? Do they attribute attributes of the graphics to you, your personality, your values?
Perhaps. However, not all instructors have say in the course development since adjuncts commonly teach courses that were developed by other professors. I think that more than anything, the personality of the instructor is revealed through interaction with the students in discussion boards, chats, feedback on papers and projects, video conferences, etc.

How does the interface (the website, course management software, e-mail, the computer screen presentation) affect how you present yourself? What are the elements in the interface that you have to compensate for? How do you compensate for them? Please describe one such experience.
Each university has its own approach to learning. Some offer hybrid courses where instructors can provide more information and interact with students more on a face to face level and the online component is used for further discussions, distribution of information, assessment, etc., whereas others offer online but no hybrid courses. In addition, each online course will differ based upon subject, the individual instructor, as well as the instructional philosophy of the institution. In addition, the actual course management system influences the learning experiences.

Some institutions may use Blackboard, Vista, WebCT, Desire2Learn, e-College, Moodle, etc. and others use a combination of a course management system with a stand alone website. In addition, each course management system has its own features and some institutions purchase only the most basic bundles that do not have all of the capabilities of more expensive ones. If an institution has only limited server space and has purchased the basic model of a course management system the instructor needs to find ways of compensating. Perhaps incorporating social media to conduct introductions, chats, and team activities. Others may need to include outside links to video clips, audio files, etc if server space is limited at their university.

How do you attempt to modify the interface? How do you make it more friendly? More learner-centered? Do you design the course to build in reinforcement of elements you want to emphasize? Please describe one such experience. Tell in detail how you did it.
It is important to keep in mind that depending upon the institution, the instructor may not have a lot of liberties when it comes to changing the webcourse. Sometimes the professors must teach “canned courses” that cannot be changed at all. In these cases, professors can make suggestions to outside links (perhaps videos, case studies, and documentaries all available online) that promote the learning of the particular topic. In addition, keeping good discussions going and interacting with students keeps the students motivated and involved.

When I develop an online course I always try to include various formats for learning. Not just text assignments or outside readings, but also watching documentaries available online, participation in collaborative work (team projects) that promote the sharing of information, lots of dialog in discussion boards, etc. Keep in mind that in an online environment the role of the instructor changes to that of a facilitator rather than simply a distributor of knowledge, especially when dealing with adult learners.

When developing courses for adult learners I always try to have students participate I teamwork and have course spanning projects that pull from their experiences so that the information they are learning in the class can be applied to realistic problem solving activities. Therefore, part of “modifying your interface” really is contingent upon knowing your learners…who they are, what their experiences are, what they want to learn from the class, how they will use the information, capabilities, access to equipment, etc.


References

Dong, Y. & Lee, K.P. (2008). A cross cultural comparative study of users’ perceptions of a webpage: With a focus on the cognitive styles of Chinese, Koreans and Americans. International Journal of Design, 2(2). http://www.ijdesign.org/ojs/index.php/IJDesign/article/view/267/163

Faiola, A., & Matei, S. A. (2005). Cultural cognitive style and web design: Beyond a behavioral inquiry into computer-mediated communication. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 11(1), article 18. http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol11/issue1/faiola.html

Richman, K.J. (2006). Short term memory retention: how time and color play a role
Saint Martin’s University Biology Journal May 2006, 1 (51).

Winerman, L. (2006). The culture-cognition connection. The Monitor, 37 (2), p. 64.


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